What
Marx really meant by saying ‘From the realm of Necessity’ ‘to the realm of
Freedom’?
BOOK
REVIEW
Essays
in Indian History by Irfan Habib; published by Tulika, New
Delhi Rs. 195.00
I
‘Matter and Mind’ in history:
The above title is one of the sections of the essay entitled Problems of Marxist Historiography of the above book. Instead
of reviewing the entire book, which is a collection of numbers of essays
written at different times, we are reviewing in this issue, the part which is
subtitled ‘Matter and Mind’ in History, as, this part, we think, is the
guide the whole book to.
The fundamental debate in philosophy revolves round the primacy of matter or
mind. In contrast to idealism materialism holds that first there is matter.
Professor Habib, in his essay under review writes that in course of the
development of society and human beings, at a certain definite stage, i.e. at
the stage of communism, a qualitative change would come and the ‘idea’,
‘thought’, ‘mind’ would gain ascendancy over matter, replacing the primacy of
matter. In support of this pedantic conclusion, Professor Habib drags Marx to
the witness box by quoting his lip from the ‘realm of necessity’ to the ‘realm
of freedom’ would be ‘unbridled freedom’_ bound by no external power called
‘necessity’. Professor Habib writes:
“…I feel convinced that Marx believed that ideas would be attaining continuous
greater importance. When he spoke of future as one where mankind marches ‘from
the realm of necessity to the realm of freedom’ I feel convinced (IN SPITE OF
ENGELS’ UNFORTUNATE GLOSS ON ‘freedom as the recognition of
necessity’)
that Marx LOOKED FORWARD TO IDEAS at last
GAINING
ASCENDANCY OVER MATTER; not by any spiritualist exercise BUT BY THE ABUNDANCE
OF MATERIAL WEALTH, which communism would ultimately produce” (All emphases
supplied). What are the conclusions to be drawn from the above quotation? They
are:
(a) At a certain definite stage of the development of society ‘mind’, ‘idea’
would take the position of primacy replacing matter through evolutionary
development of ascendancy of ‘ideas’, it means that philosophical idealism
would replace dialectical and historical materialism.
(b) Marx’s theory from the realm of necessity to the realm of freedom is an
unbridled freedom NOT fettered by any power.
(c) Engels’ ‘freedom as the recognition of necessity’ is nothing but
rubbish.
(d) Abundance of material wealth in communism is the cause and primacy of ‘idea’ is
the effect.
We are now in a position to plunge into the debate. But before doing so, we
like to dispel some misconception about Engels’, which is likely to be
generated from professor Habib’s irresponsible remarks.
The vile attack on Engels is not a new one. It has rather become a regular
feature of the people known as ‘neo-Marxist’. It began in Italy immediately
after the death of Marx. Counter posing Engels to Marx became a favorite
tactics of the ‘neo-Marxist’ in order to make the present confusion more
confused. Their accusations against Engels are: Engels often led Marx into ‘erroneous
judgments’, to assume ‘wrong position’. “The bad Engels has seduced a good
Marx” etc. as if Marx was of lesser intelligence than Engels. Silly, to say the
least.
In fact, Engels and Marx had to divide their work in spite of their lifelong
partnership. Marx was mainly engaged in the analyses of the economics of
capitalism. Engels had to specialize in other - especially the area of
natural science. Though both of them worked independently in their respective
areas, not a single issue was published until both approved it.
Marx-Engels correspondences are the incontestable proof of this. Communists of
the world recognize the role of both the individuals. Both of them had made
their vital contribution either separately or jointly. The contribution of Marx
and Engels is known as Marxism. Belittling one is nothing short of belittling
both and Marxism.
Let us now enter into the debate.
II.
The Role of Ideas:
Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin have always regarded the role of ideas,
especially the role of advanced ideas as crucial one. Otherwise, how can Marx
say: “ideas become a material force once they have gripped the masses?” This
very line of Marx signifies the vital role of ideas. Why do the communist
parties untiringly try to indoctrinate the working people, disseminate
communist ideology, class solidarity, proletarian internationalism etc? While
recognizing and correctly practising the great role of ideas, communists, at
the same time, should not forget the reality of the relations between nature
and society. Marx saw the relation between nature and man as a dialectical
process as it existed where men exert (their) will.
Of course idealism in the sense of ‘Adarshabad’ (without philosophical sense),
not in the philosophical sense of Bhavbad (with philosophical sense i.e.
Idealism) will be revived in the era of communism. And this ‘Adarshabad’ is: of
which Lenin said, “every body of us are for every body not for only kith and
kin”.
III.
Relations Between Nature and Man:
Describing the dialectical relation between nature and man Marx said:
“Labor is in the first place a process in which both man and nature participate
and in which man on his own accord starts, regulates and
controls the material reactions between himself and nature. He opposes himself
to nature as one of her own forces setting in motion arms and
legs, head and hand _ the natural force of his body in order to appropriate
nature’s production in the form adapted to his own wants. By thus acting on the EXTERNAL WORLD and changing it, he at the
same time changes his own nature. He develops his slumbering powers and
compels them to act in obedience to his sway.” (Marx: Capital; vol. I;
pp.173-174; all emphases supplied)
Possibly professor Habib flattered himself exorbitantly on account of human
victory over nature and thus concluded that at a certain definite stage of
human development man and his ideas would take the position of primacy
replacing the primacy of external world which exist quite independently of
man’s will and desire.
Engels warned us not to be “flattered too much on account of human
victories over nature. For each such victory, nature takes its revenge on us.” Describing its
revenge, Engels said:
“Each victory it is true, in the first place, brings about the result we
expected, but in the second and third places has quite different unforeseen
effects which only too often cancel the first. The people who in Mesopotamia,
Greece, Asia Minor and elsewhere destroyed the forests to obtain cultivable
lands by removing along with forests the collecting centers and reservoirs of
moisture, were laying the basis for the present forlorn state of the Alps. They
used up the pine forests of the Southern slopes while they had no inkling that
by doing so they were cutting at the very roots of the dairy industries in
their regions and they had still less inkling that they were depriving their
mountain springs of water for the greater part of the year and making it
possible for them to pour still more furious torrents on the plains during the
stormy seasons.
Those
who spread the potato in Europe were not aware that with these farinaceous
tubers they were at the same time spreading scrofula. Thus at every step we are
reminded that we by no means, rule over nature, like a conqueror over a FOREIGN
PEOPLE, like someone STANDING OUTSIDE NATURE BUT THAT WE WITH FLESH, BLOOD AND
BRAIN BELONG TO NATURE, AND EXIST IN ITS MIDST, and that we have the advantage
over all other creatures of being able to LEARN ITS LAWS AND APPLY THEM
CORRECTLY.” (Engels’ Dialectics of Nature; 2nd edition; Moscow, 1977; P.
181. All emphases
supplied).
So, man must learn the law of Nature so that he may apply it in a more
rationalistic way, ‘correctly’. The knowing and applying it correctly is the
‘recognition’, ‘appreciation’ of “necessity”, which is denounced by Professor
Habib as “Engels’ unfortunate gloss”.
IV.
Marx on Freedom of Necessity:
What Engels said exactly about “Freedom and Necessity”? Engels said:
“Freedom is the appreciation of necessity…. Freedom does not consist in the
dream of independence of natural laws, but in the knowledge of these laws and
in the possibility this gives of systematically making them work towards a
definite ends.” (Engels’ Anti Duhring, New York; 1939. P.125).
According to Professor Habib this is Engels’ “unfortunate gloss” and in spite
of this gloss, Professor Habib, in order to prove himself more Marxist than
Engels said, that “Marx looked forward to ideas at last gaining ascendancy over
matter” (Problems of Marxist Historiography; P.4) meaning Marx differed with
Engels and stuck to his point that the freedom would be an unfettered one
bounded by no law.
Let us see what Marx said on freedom and necessity. Marx said:
“…. THE TRUE REALM OF FREEDOM, WHICH HOWEVER CAN BLOSSOM FORTH ONLY WITH THIS
REALM OF NECESSITY AS ITS BASIS.’ (Marx: Capital, Vol. III, Moscow; 1986. P.
820. Emphases supplied).
This time Professor Habib appears to be more Marxist than Marx himself.
It is clear now that both Marx and Engels arrived at the same conclusion that
no “true freedom is possible without recognition, appreciating the realm of
necessity as its basis”; that there can be no ‘unbridled freedom, unfettered by
any external forces’.
V.
“Abundance of Material Wealth is the cause of Freedom”:
Professor Habib said, as we have already seen that “Marx looked forward to idea
at last gaining ascendancy over matter, not by any spiritualist exercise, but
by the abundance of material wealthwhich communism
would ultimately produce” (Emphases supplied).
But Marx “looked forward” quite differently. Marx, on the contrary, said:
“… In fact, the realm of freedom actually begins only where labor, which is
determined by necessity and mundane consideration, CEASES. This is the very
nature of things that lies beyond the sphere of ACTUAL MATERIAL PRODUCTION.”
(Marx: Capital, Vol. III; Moscow, 1986; P. 820. All emphases
supplied)
We are afraid that Professor Habib miserably failed to grasp the idea behind
Marx’s “realm of freedom.”
Under communism where the realm of freedom will “blossom forth” the social
relation between people will lose their material shell. They would no longer
appear as material relations, between people or as social relations between
things, but will become what they really are _ DIRECT RELATIONS between people
engaged in “associated social labor” (Marx). As a result the economy will lose
spontaneous character.
Engels describing the communist society pointed out that once society can
establish its domination over the means of production, anarchy of social
production is replaced by planned, conscious organization. The condition of
economic life “which environ man and which have hitherto ruled man, now come
under the domination and control of man, who for the first time become the real, conscious lord of nature, because he has now become
master of his own social organization. The lord of his own social action,
hitherto standing face to face with man as lord of nature, foreign to, and
dominating him, will then be usedwith full understanding and so mastered by
him.” (Engels: Anti-Duhring; Moscow, 1959. P. 390-91. Emphases supplied).
And this is the “realm of
freedom”.
VI.
Conclusion:
Professor Habib’s dream of freedom is:
In the communist society it is not the objective condition but man will play
the decisive role in the development of society where mind will take the
position of primacy replacing matter. Professor Habib’s essay under review is
not “towards a Marxist perception” as he claims, but towards a degeneration of
Marxist perception.
Moni
Guha
Kolkata.
18.07.2002.
(See
Notes on ‘Necessity’ and Afterwards)
Note on “Necessity”
What
is meant by ‘necessity’ in Marxist philosophy?
All phenomena of nature and society that are law-governed and exist
independently of man’s will or desire are called ‘necessity’. Necessarily, it
is obligatory to accept it. Hence this acceptance is a necessity. At the same
time man wants freedom from this necessary obligation or obligatory
‘necessity’. But that freedom can only be achieved - NOT BY REFUSING to accept
as obligatory - BUT by knowing and applying those laws correctly.
Thanks to the development of social science particularly natural science man
now has reached INTO THE REALM OF FREEDOM BUT not in the position of freedom
itself. That human beings are a part of the nature, the question is: whether
the part will be in a position to control the whole or not? (We must not put
forward any question of influencing the whole by any part in this context). So
long mankind fails to arrive at that point man’s freedom CAN NOT be ‘unbridled’
one, can not be independent of external laws.
This, in gist, is ‘from the realm of necessity to the realm of freedom’ of
Marxism.
Afterwards:
Toward
a Marxist perception or Toward a degeneration of it?
Professor Irfan Habib is widely acknowledged and respected to the world as a
scholar researcher being the author of three volumes of Peoples’ History of India. Of late he has engaged
himself in researching Marxism itself, particularly, what Marx really meant by
writing “from the realm of necessity to the realm of freedom”. After a
laborious endeavor Professor Habib has come to the final conclusion in which he
writes:
“I feel convinced (in spite
of Engels’ unfortunate gloss on ‘freedom’ as the recognition of ‘necessity’)
that Marx looked forward to IDEAS AT LAST GAINING ASCENDANCY OVER MATTER, not
by any spiritual exercise, but by the abundance of material wealth which
communism would ultimately produce.” (Irfan Habib: Essays in Indian
History. Under the sub title ‘Mind and Matter’ in History, in ‘Problems of
Marxist Historiography’, first published in Social Sciences, Madras, vol.16
no.12, December 1988, reprinted in his book in 1933; p. 4. All emphases are
supplied).
What is the real meaning of the above quotation of Prof. Habib?
The meaning of the above quotation is: the primacy of idealism, inter alias
philosophical-Idealism, would take its root replacing Historical and
Dialectical Materialism in communism.
This is a monstrous conclusion. But the wonder of wonder is neither a single
ripple nor a single comment on Prof. Habib’s conclusion has been made by any
shades of Marxists since 1988 and Prof. Habib remains where he was. We are
afraid that Prof. Habib not only failed to grasp the idea behind Marx’s ‘realm
of freedom’ but also tried to put his own theory on this subject, which is
nothing but a popular feature of petty-bourgeoisie explanation like him as a
Marxist one and thereby, instead of getting a clear idea from the writings of
Marx, shows his knowledge on Marxist literatures by obvious wrong quoting the
authors and by drawing a conclusion from the blues.
The present writer, as an apologia, likes to say that he only came to know
about Prof. Habib’s debatable paper only in 2002. He again went through the
works of Marx and Engels on the relations between man and nature. Due to a
massive heart attack he could not complete his paper on Prof. Habib’s
anti-Marxist conclusion.
In this context we
are taking privilege to draw another subject. The paper under the heading
‘Problems of Marxist Historiography’ says, “We know more and better than Marx
and Engels” etc. Thus he dismisses outright Engels and hereby Marx. He calls
Stalin a ‘half-baked Marxist’ and remarks that his ‘Historical and Dialectical
Materialism’ is nothing but ‘deterministic’. So we find Prof. Habib has also
used the weapon viz. ‘I know more and better than our predecessor’ (here Marx)
and thus used language befitting his profession against Engels and Stalin to
let us conclude that his ‘Problems of Marxist Historiography’ is NOT Marxist at
all. Yes, it is his creation only in this connection. In this context it may
also be said that this weapon is used not only by Prof. Habib, rather it is a
vicious trend of the petty-bourgeois ‘Marxists’ known as neo-Marxists which we
witnessed first immediately after the death of Marx and again after the death
of Lenin and which in fact taking opportunity of a critical time of Marxism
launched a new attack on Marxism.
Allow me to memorize my own experience. Our late respected great ‘Kakababu’
(Com. Muzaffar Ahmed) sent me to Sylhet the then head quarter of Surma Valley
branch of the party. M.N.Roy together with his wife Mrs. L.N.Roy and Hari Kumar
Chakraborty (a famous Bengal Revolutionary) came to Sylhet also. At that time
Roy was demanding a constituent assembly for India under the British Raj. I
wrote an article criticizing Roy’s demand of constituent assembly and that
article was published in monthly Ganashakti under the editorship of respected
Somnath Lahiri. As such the Surma valley branch of the party selected me to
confront Roy and his party. At that time it is to be noted that Roy was
welcomed as an anti-imperialist by the party but condemned as an expelled
member from the Comintern. On this occasion the Surma valley branch of the
party arranged a meeting in the public library hall of Sylhet where the
representatives of Router and Associated Press and others were invited and they
came. During my talk with Roy and Mrs.Roy queried about my age. I
answered and she found that I was a mere child of two or three when Roy was
engaged in the Mexican Revolution. Enraged she told me – how dare you confront
such a revolutionary as M.N.Roy ? I replied that I have consumed Roy’s
experience going through his all writings including his ‘My Defence’ (on the
subject his arguments against the allegation brought by the then Comintern and
which Stalin did not approve). I can see far better standing on his shoulder
and other experiences I gathered from my own way. Hearing me Mr. Roy was highly
satisfied together with others.
So, one may see that Marxist Historiography does not dismiss outright with the
help of ‘I know more and better than our predecessors’ but acknowledges and
recognizes their contributions. Take the example of Marx, Engels, Lenin and
Stalin. Marx acknowledged gratefully the searches of the sources of ‘Surplus’
from Aristotle to Ricardo, even utopian Robert Owen. Lenin acknowledged the
contributions of Kautsky and Plekhanov in spite of his sharp criticism against
them. Stalin acknowledged the great and revolutionary roll of Trotsky during
S.S.Potemkin rebels strike. He also acknowledged the merit of Mao in spite of
his sharp criticism of Mao. So we may correctly draw the conclusion that the
‘Problems of Marxist Historiography’ is no problems at all to the Marxists
though it may be a problem to a neo-Marxists like Prof. Habib et
al.
The present writer would fervently request the readers of all shades of Marxism
to comment on both the papers of Prof. Habib’s and his. Silence is not, in all
cases, golden.
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